On Music, Politics, and Ethical Responsibility

[Image from pacbi.org] [Image from pacbi.org]

On Music, Politics, and Ethical Responsibility

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) on 3 October 2012.]

Earlier in September, in the lead up to a performance by the Red Hot Chili Peppers in apartheid Israel, a worldwide campaign calling on them to cancel their show gathered steam. Over the last several months, our South African, Lebanese, Indian, American, Israeli, and Italian partners, among others, had all written letters to RHCP, and a petition was set up that garnered over 7500 signatures, a first of its kind. 

In Lebanon, days before their show, the famous band, Mashrou3 Leila, announced that it would be opening for RHCP and a huge online debate spurred about the ethics of such a show in light of RHCP performing in Israel a few days later. One of the most salient arguments used against those who were calling for Mashrou3 Leila to cancel, as well as against those calling on RHCP to boycott Israel, was that music should be separate from politics, indeed “above” politics. This argument is based on various taken-for-granted claims, the most frequently repeated of which are: Music has nothing to do with politics; music should build bridges and peace not fall prey to conflict; music is about bringing smiles and human compassion to an audience, and a musical performance is not a political act. All artists who have crossed the cultural boycott “picket line,” whether in the South African or Palestinian context, have resorted to a similar logic to justify their acts of complicity. Let us consider why in the context of Israel’s colonialism, occupation and apartheid the notion that music and art are above politics rings hollow.

Since its inception Israel has taken great pains to destroy or inhibit the development of Palestinian culture and to target Palestinians who chose cultural production as their method of resistance. For decades, Israeli leaders routinely proclaimed that Palestine did not exist as a nation, and Israeli authorities and complicit institutions attempted to destroy or confiscate indigenous Palestinian culture, heritage, tradition, history and identity, if not explicitly then through convoluted schemes and arbitrary laws. For example, flight attendants on board Israel`s airlines El-Al were issued Palestinian embroidered costumes; the golden Dome of the Rock was prominently featured on Israeli travel brochures; hummus and falafel were served as traditional “Israeli cuisine;” a myriad of Arab and Palestinian slang expressions entered the Israeli lexicon and the colors of the Palestinian flag were banned in any shape, form or combination, even on paintings. Any assertion of Palestinian identity was punished. Efforts by a leading Palestinian dance company, El-Funoun, to portray the roots of traditional Arab-Palestinian dance and song were considered a dangerous form of subversion and punished accordingly. Clandestine dance rehearsals were not uncommon for El-Funoun dancers at times of military crackdowns.

Palestinian artists in the occupied and besieged West Bank and Gaza live under the constant threat of having their exhibitions ransacked, art galleries destroyed or concerts canceled. They, like all Palestinians under occupation, are also denied their most basic rights, including their right to freedom of movement which is restricted through a complex web of Israeli military checkpoints, illegal colonies and the apartheid wall. Certainly, no exemption is made for artists: they are not separated from this political reality.  

The Israeli state certainly does not see music or cultural production as above politics. A former deputy director general of the Israeli foreign ministry, Nissim Ben-Sheetrit, explained upon launching the Brand Israel campaign in 2005: “We are seeing culture as a hasbara [propaganda] tool of the first rank, and I do not differentiate between hasbara and culture.”

In the case of Red Hot Chilli Peppers and Mashrou3 Leila, advocates of BDS were appealing to both groups specifically because they do not want to see their art used as a tool of hasbara or acting to normalize Israel’s image. Importantly, they were seen as musicians who had identified and sang about social and political change, and it was therefore assumed that they would want to take a clear stand opposing Israel’s violations of international law. Mashrou3 Leila in particular, has sung about political issues in the Arab world and about revolution  Thus, it was surprising when some argued that Mashrou3 Leila’s music should be "above politics" although their participation in the RHCP concert, when the latter were due to perform in Tel Aviv a couple of days later, would in itself be a political statement. 

The reality of the situation is that Lebanon continues to be a country where hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees reside and are denied their right to return home. Moreover, Israel is still occupying Lebanese territory. To open for a band that will be traveling to the very place those refugees are denied access to and will be entertaining a state that is still occupying Lebanese land would be making a political statement, a very damaging one. It would also send a signal that those who break the boycott may continue to profit from Arab markets, and their trips to Israel would be considered normal. It is for this reason that we reiterate, once again, our admiration for Mashrou3 Leila for their cancelation. 

Mashrou3 Leila’s position is fundamentally different than musicians and artists who pay lip service to an abstract notion of peace, without qualifying it to make it dependent on the realization of justice and rights. These musicians, although claiming to be neutral and above politics, are in reality engaging in a specific politics and lending their art to upholding the oppressive status quo, rather than challenging it. To the oppressed, no peace is worth its name if not associated with justice and human rights. Ignoring violations of those rights and undermining popular struggles to regain them suggests that the musician’s call for peace was simply the proper thing to say to appeal to fans of almost all convictions, and motivated more by self-interest than any desire towards building a better, more dignified future for people.

Other artists steer away from political and social issues altogether and present their music as l’art pour l’art (art for art’s sake). This may include, for example, those whose music contains no lyrics, or abstract or “neutral” lyrics that cannot normally be construed as carrying any political or social thought. Although in the debates around the RHCP and Mashrou3 Leila concerts this was not the issue, we wish to take the example of such musicians to explain why, beyond the lyrics and choice of political topics of musicians, music remains deeply related to politics. 

In all the above cases, musicians are of this world. In the current context of mass protests globally calling for true democracy, as well as social and economic justice, it is misleading, even harmful, to position music and art above politics. Indeed, artists like the rest of humanity, are influenced by the world around them and, perhaps more than others, may have a relatively significant impact on it. 

When they choose to take their music beyond the private confines of their homes and perform in the public sphere they have a responsibility to their publics. A basic component of this responsibility is to make sure that their art is not used to sugarcoat oppression, that their performances are not supported -- and therefore prone to be used -- by states, corporations or organizations that are responsible for violating international law or human rights. Thus, if the content of the music or art itself is, arguably, not political, musicians and artists, for their participation in society and public presentations of their work, certainly are political. A musician who visited South Africa during apartheid, for instance, against the express will of the oppressed majority, was taking a political stance even if all he or she sang about was love and flowers.

Putting aside their lyrics and politics, when RHCP performed in Israel, they were doing so within the context of a colonial conflict, and within a situation where a people struggling against occupation, colonialism and apartheid was calling on them to cancel their show to avoid being complicit in covering up oppression. The Israeli state was using their show, openly and unabashedly, to whitewash its crimes and rebrand itself as a normal, even progressive, state promoting music and culture. Within such a context, RHCP’s performance was a political act of collusion in covering up Israel’s human rights violations. Boycott bashers in South Africa were viewed exactly the same, as accomplices in perpetuating oppression. It would be understandable, if unethical, had RHCP come out publicly in support of Israel, as Madonna and Elton John had done, but it is disingenuous when they, and other musicians, hide behind the naïve and misleading statement that they do not want to mix music with politics.

Those who attend concerts on the grounds that this is just a fun night of entertainment and that music is not political should keep in mind the role of music, and more importantly, musicians in society, and what goes into organizing a public musical performance. They should also keep in mind that to artists under conditions of sustained oppression, their art, if deeply and creatively reflecting their people’s and their own aspirations for freedom, justice and dignity, is inherently perceived as “political.” As the late iconic South African singer and anti-apartheid activist Miriam Makeba said, “Everybody now admits that apartheid was wrong, and all I did was tell the people who wanted to know where I come from how we lived in South Africa. I just told the world the truth. And if my truth then becomes political, I cannot do anything about that.” [3] 

In calling for a cultural boycott of Israel, which is largely inspired by the cultural boycott of South Africa, Palestinian artists are reminding their colleagues worldwide of their profound moral obligation to do no harm, at the very least; to avoid abetting or providing a cover for the commission of human rights violations; to ensure that their names and art are not used to justify or prolong apartheid, occupation and colonialism.  When we ignore the power of music and musicians to cover such crimes by divorcing music from the world in which it is performed, we give these crimes oxygen to last another day.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412